Hyderabad, January 29:This economic aspect is evidenced especially in the Hyderabad real estate sector where the Kamma and Reddy Congress notables seem to have dominated through their political clout
It is an accepted fact that politics in India is caste-based and dominated by considerations of caste interests and aspirations. The polity is approached by political parties and candidates with their alleged identification with the wider caste interest. However, it is also apparent that, once elected, individual interests of the politicians have priority over any caste interest. Democracy in India is caste democracy; this also applies to the role of religious communities, which is now also taking a caste trajectory.
Some parties are even wholly identified with specific castes or religions. The basis of the Andhra Pradesh (AP) Congress Party has been a Reddy-Kamma alliance, with the Reddys playing a dominant role. This balance and control is based partly on their numerical strength, dominant status in villages and economic power.
As for numerical strength: “…the regional distribution of upper castes varies with Coastal Andhra having the highest proportion at 32%, followed by Rayalaseema at 24% and Telangana having the smallest proportion at only 11%”. (SKC Report: p.380).
Of the 11 State Cabinets formed from 1956 to 1980 – at the height of Congress dominance in AP – the Reddy contingent supplied an average of 26% of the total with the Brahmins (7%), Kammas (8%) and Kapus and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) (28%). This was in line with the general domi¬nance of the Reddy community in the seven Assemblies (with an average strength of 294 seats) during the period 1957 to 1985, when they held an average of 25% of the seats, with Brahmins getting 9%, Kammas 14% and backward castes 17%.
However, it is an incontestable fact that a Kamma has never been a Congress chief minister. This is significant in that the Kamma community from 1953 until 1983 had almost totally supported the Congress Party with votes, funds and media coverage. That was to change with the advent of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), which, in its turn, has had only Kamma Chief Ministers till date!
The TDP victory in 1983 and again in 1985 – with massive majorities in Telangana – broke the old power relations and ensured ten-odd years of TDP rule. The TDP accommodated in its party and Government Reddys from Telangana where they had won surprisingly large majorities. As the SKC says, “The rise and subsequent long rule of Telugu Desam Party, led/dominated by the Kammas of Coastal Andhra, further consolidated Telugu identity, while successfully suppressing the demand for a separate Telangana State”. (SKC Report: p. 342)
The Sri Krishna Committee (SKC) comments very astutely on this issue of the two-region-two-caste equation: “The accommodation between these two re¬gions has been in terms of political domination by Rayalaseema and economic domination by Coastal Andhra. Together the two regions have ruled the State through Congress and TDP political formations. Telangana feels dominated by the upper castes of these regions and its struggle is primarily to shake off their yoke” (SKC Report: p.390).
This economic aspect is evidenced especially in the Hyderabad real estate sector where the Kamma and Reddy Congress notables seem to have dominated through their political clout. SKC comments: “A number of transactions may not be formal and registered. Another aspect of Hyderabad’s real estate industry is the formal linkage to political leadership, often from other regions in Andhra Pradesh.
For example, LANCO, an infrastructure and real estate company, is associated with Lagadapati Rajagopal, an MP from Vijayawada; the Gayatri Construction firm is associated with T Subbirami Reddy, a former MP from Visakhapatnam; and Transstroy, a firm involved in building the Outer Ring Road, is associated with Rayapati Sambasiva Rao, the MP from Guntur” (SKC Report: p.319).
Y S Rajasekhara Reddy (YSR), who became leader of the Congress Party, altered the strategy of the Congress Party. He realized that by 1999, caste-based voting had become the fact of AP politics: survey data showed that 87% of Kammas and 62% of the “Peasant Other Backward Castes” in AP voted for the TDP while 77% of the Reddys, 64% of the scheduled castes and 60% of Muslims for the Congress.
This meant that the overall election result rested with the other communities, such as Kapus, “Service OBCs” and Scheduled Tribes who voted almost equally for the two major parties and could swing the very fine division of the floating vote (10%) which decided which party will get the majority of seats in the Assembly.
YSR’s alliance with Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) gained him the existing TDP base in Telangana in 2004. In 2009, when TDP allied with TRS, he encouraged the Kapu-dominated Praja Rajyam Party (PRP). The PRP proceeded to take away nearly 12% of the TDP overall vote share (largely in the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions) and ensured the victory for the second time of the Congress Party and YSR.
With the merger of the PRP with the Congress and the recent allocation of Ministries to the erstwhile PRP notables in AP and the forthcoming entry of their MPs into the Central Government, the dominance of the Kamma faction in the Congress seems at an end.
However, with the Telangana movement dominated by backward caste support at the grass roots, the delicate caste balance and regional alignments in AP have been damaged beyond repair. The Congress still holds out the hope of separate statehood for Telangana as a carrot in exchange for support of Telangana elected representatives in the State Assembly and in the National Parliament.
The collapse of the TDP and the strength of the Telangana movement brought a deep sense of concern to the Kamma notables in the Congress Party. They were reasonably happy even with the TDP in power as they had their caste-based connections to its top leadership. But YSR had sidelined them totally within their own party. With his death and the inevitability of the Telangana Statehood, their latent anger burst forth.
Things had gone to the extent that the veteran Guntur Congress MP Rayapati Sam-basiva Rao is quoted in the press as saying: “Kammas like me, my family, Eluru MP Kavuri Sambasiva Rao, Vijayawada MP Lagadapati Rajagopal, Renuka Choudhary, have ceaselessly toiled for the party. Yet, Reddys and others tell the high command not to give any posts to Kammas.
I spend nearly Rs 15 crore in every election. But what is the use as our services are not being recognized?” The latest confabulations held by Ghulam Nabi Azad with Renuka Chowdhary and other Kamma notables is yet another exercise to keep them quiet with promises no one expects to be kept.
The Kamma notables from the Coastal Andhra have only one option if they want to exercise full power within the Congress Party, and that is to have a separate Coastal Andhra State. There they will dominate politics though they may have to battle it out with the Kapus. A realignment of caste loyalties between the two major parties is also not inconceivable.
Rayapati is reported to have stated: “Kammas are scoffing at me for remaining silent on the injustice to the community”. Well, yes, but will these Kamma notables continue to play second fiddle for their individual economic gain or support a separate Coastal Andhra? The question they have to answer is whether caste interests will override individual vested interests.
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DR GAUTAM PINGLE
DIRECTOR
CENTER FOR PUBLIC POLICY AND GOVERNANCE
ADMINISTRATIVE STAFF COLLEGE OF INDIA
BELLA VISTA
RAJ BHAVAN ROAD
HYDERABAD 500082
gautam.pingle@gmail.com
Thanks Hans india